1.2.3 - Modern Indian History Notes 23

Elaborate Notes

Child Marriage

Child marriage in 19th-century India was a deeply entrenched socio-religious practice, presenting a formidable challenge to reformers. Its roots and the subsequent debates surrounding it were complex and multifaceted.

• Religious and Scriptural Basis: The practice was often justified by citing religious customs, particularly the Gharbhadhana ceremony. This Vedic ritual, marking the consummation of marriage, was prescribed to be performed after a girl attained puberty. To ensure this, orthodox interpretations of texts like the Dharmashastras mandated that marriage itself must take place before puberty. This religious sanction transformed the issue from a purely social problem into a religio-cultural one, making any reform attempt appear as an attack on Hinduism itself. Consequently, the discourse on child marriage became a “battle of the shastras,” with both reformers and the orthodox quoting scriptures to validate their respective positions.
• Early Legislative Efforts: The efforts of reformers like Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar were pivotal in bringing legislative attention to the issue. Vidyasagar, a renowned Sanskrit scholar, used his profound knowledge to argue against the practice from within the Hindu scriptural tradition. His advocacy, combined with pressure from other reformers, culminated in the Age of Consent Act of 1860. This act did not ban child marriage but criminalised the consummation of marriage with a girl below the age of 10. Reformer Akshoy Kumar Dutt supplemented scriptural arguments with modern, rationalist ones, citing medical opinions on the severe physical and psychological harm caused by early consummation and motherhood.
• The Rukhmabai Case (1884-1888): This legal case brought the issue to national prominence. Rukhmabai, married at the age of 11 to Dadaji Bhikaji, was educated separately and refused to join her husband upon reaching maturity. Bhikaji filed a suit for the “restitution of conjugal rights.” Rukhmabai argued that she could not be compelled to honour a marriage to which she, as a child, had not consented. Her cause was championed by a defence committee of reformers led by Behramji M. Malabari, a Parsi journalist whose 1884 “Notes on Infant Marriage and Enforced Widowhood” had already sparked significant debate. The orthodox Hindu society, viewing Rukhmabai’s defiance as a threat to patriarchal and religious norms, rallied behind her husband. Ultimately, the court ruled against Rukhmabai, offering her the choice of living with her husband or facing imprisonment. She was eventually saved from prison when Queen Victoria intervened, and the marriage was dissolved upon payment of compensation. The case highlighted the clash between individual consent and traditional custom, and the limitations of colonial law in effecting social change.
• The Age of Consent Act, 1891: The immediate catalyst for this new legislation was the tragic death of an 11-year-old Bengali girl, Phulmoni Dasi, in 1890, due to forced intercourse with her adult husband. This incident shocked the public and intensified the demand for reform. The British government introduced a bill to raise the age of consent for consummation from 10 to 12 years.
• Nationalist Opposition and the Tilak-Bhandarkar Debate: The 1891 bill faced massive opposition, most notably from nationalist leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak. Tilak argued not from a pro-child marriage stance, but from an anti-colonial one. He contended that the foreign British government had no legitimate right to interfere in the personal, religious, and social customs of Indians. He advocated that reform should be an organic process, driven by Indians through social awakening and education, not imposed through colonial legislation. This stance resonated with a large section of the population wary of British intentions. In opposition to Tilak, moderate reformers and scholars like Dr. R.G. Bhandarkar, a distinguished Indologist from Deccan College, Pune, used meticulous research into the Dharmashastras to demonstrate that post-puberty marriage was not only permitted but was also practiced in ancient India. This scholarly debate showcased the internal conflict within Indian society regarding the path and agency of reform.
• Overall Impact: Despite these legislative interventions and intense debates, reforms against child marriage had limited success on the ground. The laws targeted consummation, not the marriage ceremony itself, and were difficult to enforce. The deep-seated nature of the custom, coupled with nationalist suspicion of British motives, meant that the practice continued unabated in many parts of the country.

Widow Remarriage

The plight of widows, especially child widows, was a central concern for 19th-century reformers. The issue was inextricably linked to child marriage and the significant age gap common in marriages, which resulted in a large population of young widows condemned to a life of austerity and social ostracism.

• Vidyasagar and the Hindu Widows’ Remarriage Act, 1856: Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar spearheaded the movement for widow remarriage. He marshalled evidence from ancient scriptures, particularly the Parashara Samhita, to argue that widow remarriage was sanctioned by the shastras in the Kali Yuga. His relentless campaign, which included submitting petitions with thousands of signatures to the government, led to the passage of the Hindu Widows’ Remarriage Act in 1856. The Act legalised the marriage of Hindu widows. However, it contained a significant clause stating that upon remarriage, a widow would forfeit any right and interest she had in her deceased husband’s property. This clause acted as a major disincentive, making economic independence a barrier to social reform.
• Regional Efforts: The passage of the 1856 Act did not end the debate; it merely shifted it to the social sphere. In Maharashtra, Vishnu Shastri Pandit founded the Vidhavā Vivāha Uttejaka Mandal (Society for the Promotion of Widow Remarriage) in 1866. In the Telugu-speaking regions of the Madras Presidency, Kandukuri Veeresalingam Pantulu was a tireless advocate for the cause, starting a journal and conducting the first widow remarriage in the region in 1881.
• Efforts among Lower Castes and by Women: Jyotiba Phule in Maharashtra made significant efforts to promote widow remarriage among the non-Brahmin and lower castes. However, he faced immense resistance, not only from the orthodox but also from within these communities, which were increasingly adopting upper-caste norms in a process later described by M.N. Srinivas as “Sanskritization.” Pandita Ramabai, a towering female reformer, provided a powerful personal example. A Sanskrit scholar from a Brahmin family, she married a man from a lower caste and, after being widowed, dedicated her life to women’s emancipation. She founded the Sharada Sadan in Pune, a widow’s home that provided shelter and education, empowering women to lead independent lives.
• The Paradox of Sanskritization and Failure: The intense public debate surrounding widow remarriage had an unintended and paradoxical consequence. While reformers aimed to popularise the practice, the orthodox section, which commanded greater influence over the masses, successfully propagated the idea that prohibition of widow remarriage was a sign of high social status. Consequently, many lower and intermediate castes, which had traditionally permitted widow remarriage, began to abandon the practice to emulate the “purer” customs of the upper castes. This phenomenon severely undermined the reform efforts. By the turn of the 20th century, the movement’s limited impact was evident; historical records show that only 38 widow remarriages had taken place in Maharashtra by 1900. The reform largely succeeded only in areas like Haryana, where the practice, known as karewa, was already an established social custom for agrarian and property-related reasons.

The Character of Reforms

The 19th-century social reform movements, while significant, had a distinct character and set of limitations that shaped their trajectory and success.

• Elitist Leadership: The movements were overwhelmingly led by a small, urban-centric group of upper-caste (mostly Brahmin), Western-educated men like Raja Rammohun Roy, K.C. Sen, and M.G. Ranade. Their social location meant that their primary concerns and perspectives were shaped by their own class and caste experiences. The near-total absence of women and lower-caste individuals in leadership roles was a critical weakness, preventing the movements from becoming true mass movements.
• Motivation and Colonial Context: The reforms were, in part, a response to the ideological challenge posed by colonialism. British officials, scholars, and missionaries frequently criticized Indian society, particularly the status of women, as “barbaric” and “uncivilized” to justify colonial rule. As historian Partha Chatterjee argues in The Nation and Its Women (1989), Indian reformers sought to create a “new patriarchy” by reforming the “inner” or spiritual domain of Indian life to make it congruent with modernity, thereby countering this colonial critique without surrendering cultural sovereignty.
• Ideological Underpinnings: The reformers were deeply influenced by Western liberal ideas of reason, humanism, and individual dignity. However, they did not advocate for a blind imitation of the West. Instead, they engaged in a process of selective adaptation, seeking to find justification for modern, rational principles within ancient Indian scriptures. This created a dynamic of “reform from within.”
• Top-Down Methodology: The primary method of the reformers was to appeal to the British legislative and executive authorities for intervention. This “top-down” approach, relying on state-sanctioned change, meant that reforms like the abolition of Sati or the Widow Remarriage Act were imposed by law rather than emerging from a widespread social consensus. This reliance on the colonial state made the reformers and their agendas suspect in the eyes of the masses, who often viewed these changes as alien impositions.
• Limited Social Base and Communication Gap: The reformers made little effort to build a mass movement or communicate their ideas in a language accessible to the common person. For instance, Rammohun Roy wrote in a highly complex, Sanskritized Bengali that was unintelligible to the peasantry. The membership of reform societies was minuscule; the Prarthana Samaj in Bombay had only 72 members at one point. Their focus remained squarely on reforming their own upper-caste communities.
• Selective Agenda: In their early phase, reformers were largely silent on the issue of casteism. This was a sensitive and explosive topic, and they feared alienating their own upper-caste support base. The focus was primarily on women’s issues that were most visible and criticized by the British, while the structural violence of the caste system was often overlooked. The approach was one of gradualism, tackling one issue at a time.
• Organised Orthodox Opposition: For every reformist organisation, there was a powerful rival orthodox organisation that commanded greater popular support. For example, Raja Radhakanta Deb’s Dharma Sabha was founded in 1830 to counter the Brahmo Samaj and oppose the abolition of Sati. These orthodox bodies effectively used religious sentiments and social pressure to thwart reform initiatives.

Post-1857 Reformers

The post-1857 era witnessed a subtle but significant shift in the nature of social and religious reform, marked by a growing sense of cultural nationalism and a move from pure reformism towards revivalism.

• Shift from Reformism to Revivalism: While pre-1857 reformers often looked to a synthesis of Eastern and Western ideas, the post-1857 period saw a stronger, more assertive articulation of Indian traditions. Revivalism sought to restore the perceived purity of a past golden age, often the Vedic period, as a source of national pride and a model for the future. This was a response to the intensified racism and colonial arrogance that followed the 1857 revolt.
• Cultural Nationalism: Reformers of this era, like Swami Vivekananda and Swami Dayananda Saraswati, were not just social reformers but also powerful proponents of cultural nationalism. They defended Indian culture and philosophy against Western denigration, seeking to build national self-confidence.
• Types of Revivalism:
  • Positive/Universalist Revivalism: This strand, exemplified by Vivekananda, asserted the superiority of Indian spirituality but in a universal, non-exclusive manner. It believed in the validity of all religions and sought to share India’s spiritual wealth with the world.
  • Negative/Exclusivist Revivalism: This strand viewed the Hindu past as glorious, with degeneration occurring under “foreign” (Muslim and British) rule. It often posited not just the superiority of Hinduism but the inferiority of other religions, sometimes leading to communal undertones.
• Ramakrishna Paramahamsa (1836-1886):
  • A simple, ascetic priest at the Dakshineswar Kali Temple near Calcutta, Ramakrishna preached a direct, experiential spirituality.
  • His teachings were rooted in monotheism (belief in one God) expressed through diverse forms, renunciation, and meditation. His famous maxim was “Yato Mat, Tato Path” (As many faiths, so many paths), reflecting a profound universalism.
  • He did not engage in direct social reform or political critique. However, by focusing entirely on the richness and depth of Hindu spirituality, he offered an indirect but powerful rejection of Western cultural and religious hegemony.
• Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902):
  • As the foremost disciple of Ramakrishna, Vivekananda systematized his guru’s teachings and transformed them into a dynamic, modern philosophy. In 1897, he founded the Ramakrishna Mission, based on the twin ideals of Atmano Mokshartham Jagat Hitaya Cha (For one’s own salvation and for the welfare of the world).
  • Practical Vedanta: He preached the philosophy of Vedanta not as a forest-dwelling ascetic’s creed, but as a practical guide for modern life. His concept of Daridra Narayana (God resides in the poor) and the idea that “Jiva is Shiva” (service to living beings is the worship of God) infused social work with spiritual purpose.
  • Countering Colonial Stereotypes: Vivekananda directly challenged the colonial stereotype of the “effeminate Hindu.” He argued for a new ideal of masculinity that combined Western physical strength with Indian mental and spiritual fortitude. He inspired the youth to build their bodies and minds, leading to the establishment of akharas (gymnasiums).
  • Universalism and National Pride: At the Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893, his speeches presented Hinduism as a universal, tolerant, and profound philosophical system, dramatically raising the prestige of Indian culture on the world stage. He called for a synthesis of Western materialism and Indian spirituality for the betterment of humanity.
  • Acceptance of Popular Hinduism: Unlike earlier Brahmo reformers, Vivekananda did not outright reject idolatry or popular rituals, viewing them as helpful, symbolic steps for the masses on their path to spiritual realisation. This pragmatic approach gave him far greater acceptability among ordinary Hindus.
  • Political Impact: His teachings instilled a sense of self-worth and national pride among Indians, providing the spiritual and ideological foundation for the subsequent nationalist movement. Subhas Chandra Bose aptly called him the “spiritual father of the modern Indian nationalist movement.”

Arya Samaj, 1875

Founded by Swami Dayananda Saraswati (1824-1883), the Arya Samaj was one of the most significant and radical reform movements of the 19th century.

• Core Ideology: The cornerstone of the Arya Samaj was the slogan “Back to the Vedas.” Dayananda held the four Vedas to be infallible, eternal, and the repository of all truth, including modern scientific principles. He argued that all later Hindu texts like the Puranas were corruptions. By positing the Vedas as the sole “book” of authority, he sought to reframe Hinduism as a monotheistic, scripture-based faith, similar in structure to Christianity and Islam. This was an aggressive intellectual response to colonial and missionary critiques.
• Radical Social Reforms: The Arya Samaj’s social agenda was profoundly radical for its time:
  • It vehemently opposed the caste system based on birth, advocating instead for the Vedic Varnashrama system based on merit and occupation.
  • It strongly condemned untouchability, idolatry, priestcraft, child marriage, polytheism, and polygamy.
  • It was a strong proponent of widow remarriage and women’s education, establishing a network of schools (Dayanand Anglo-Vedic or DAV schools) across North India.
• Reasons for Limited Success and Geographical Spread: The movement’s radicalism was also its weakness. By attacking a wide range of established customs and beliefs, it alienated both orthodox Hindus and the more moderate, gradualist reformers. Consequently, its influence remained largely confined to Punjab and the United Provinces (modern Uttar Pradesh).
• Post-1883 Revivalist Turn: After Dayananda’s death in 1883, the Arya Samaj became increasingly revivalist and assertive.
  • Shuddhi Movement: It launched the Shuddhi (purification) movement to reconvert individuals who had converted from Hinduism to Islam and Christianity. This was a departure from traditional Hinduism, which generally lacked a concept of organised conversion.
  • Communal Tensions: This aggressive proselytizing led to a sharpening of communal identities and heightened inter-religious tensions. In response, Sikhs strengthened their Singh Sabha movement, and Muslims launched the Tabligh (preaching) and Tanzim (organisation) movements.
  • Cow Protection Movement: The Arya Samaj also initiated a militant cow protection movement. This movement, while appealing to Hindu sentiment, became a major flashpoint for Hindu-Muslim conflict, culminating in widespread communal riots across North India in 1893. Thus, while a powerful force for internal reform, the later activities of the Arya Samaj also contributed to the growth of communal politics in India.

Peasants Revolts and Tribal Uprisings (pre-1857 Grievances)

The 1857 Revolt is often seen not as an isolated event, but as the culmination of a century of simmering discontent, manifested in numerous smaller, localised peasant and tribal uprisings against British rule. The grievances that fuelled these early rebellions were remarkably similar, pointing to the systemic nature of colonial exploitation.

• Grievances under Different Land Revenue Systems:
  • Farming System (Bengal, 1772): Under Warren Hastings, the right to collect revenue was auctioned to the highest bidder (revenue farmers). These farmers, with no long-term interest in the land, engaged in ruthless over-extraction to maximise their profits, with the full backing of British officials.
  • Permanent Settlement (Bengal, 1793): The primary oppressor became the zamindar. The British fixed a high revenue demand on the zamindar, who in turn extracted exorbitant rents from the tenants (ryots). Tenants had no occupancy rights and could be evicted at will. Zamindars also levied numerous illegal cesses (abwabs). The colonial courts and police machinery invariably sided with the zamindars, leaving the ryots with no legal recourse.
  • Ryotwari and Mahalwari Systems: In these systems, where the state dealt directly with the peasant (ryot) or the village community (mahal), the oppression came directly from the colonial state. The land revenue demand was excessively high, inflexible, and collected with rigidity. Failure to pay meant forfeiture and auction of land. This forced peasants into the clutches of moneylenders, who charged exorbitant interest rates, leading to a vicious cycle of debt and eventual loss of land.
• Oppression through Commercial Agriculture (Indigo):
  • European indigo planters in Bengal and Bihar forced ryots into contract farming. Under the tinkathia system, peasants were compelled to cultivate indigo on the most fertile part of their land (e.g., 3/20th of their holding).
  • Planters forced ryots to take cash advances (dadon) at high interest rates to pay for seeds and equipment, trapping them in debt.
  • The price paid for the indigo crop was far below the market rate, ensuring the peasant could never clear the debt. This cycle of forced cultivation and indebtedness amounted to serfdom.
  • Indigo cultivation exhausted soil fertility. Any ryot who refused to comply faced physical violence, illegal confinement, and eviction, carried out by the planters’ agents (lathiyals), often with the complicity of the local police and judiciary.
• Religious Grievances:
  • The activities of Christian missionaries, who often denigrated local beliefs and customs, were seen as a threat to religion.
  • The British policy of resuming revenue-free or rent-free lands (lakhiraj or in’am lands), many of which were held by religious institutions, priests, and sects, caused widespread resentment.
  • Religion often provided an organizational and ideological framework for these uprisings. Leaders were often religious figures (e.g., Sanyasi Revolt), and religious idioms were used to unite diverse groups of rebels against the “firangi” (foreign) enemy. The belief that their religion was in danger was a powerful mobilizing force, linking economic grievances to a sense of cultural and identity threat.

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Prelims Pointers

• Gharbhadhana: A Vedic ceremony for the consummation of marriage, cited as a religious basis for pre-puberty marriage.
• Age of Consent Act, 1860: Set the minimum age for consummation of marriage at 10 years. An outcome of Vidyasagar’s efforts.
• Rukhmabai Case (1884-1888): Landmark legal case involving Rukhmabai and her husband Dadaji Bhikaji on the issue of “restitution of conjugal rights.”
• Behramji M. Malabari: Parsi reformer whose 1884 “Notes on Infant Marriage and Enforced Widowhood” created controversy.
• Phulmoni Dasi: An 11-year-old girl whose death in 1890 led to the Age of Consent Bill, 1891.
• Age of Consent Act, 1891: Raised the minimum age for consummation to 12 years.
• Bal Gangadhar Tilak: Opposed the 1891 Act on grounds of anti-colonialism, arguing against British interference in Indian customs.
• R.G. Bhandarkar: Pune-based scholar who used Dharmashastras to argue in favour of post-puberty marriage.
• Hindu Widows’ Remarriage Act, 1856: Legalised widow remarriage; a key achievement of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar.
• A provision in the 1856 Act stated that a remarrying widow would forfeit her rights to her deceased husband’s property.
• Vishnu Shastri Pandit: Founded a society for widow remarriage in Maharashtra in 1866.
• Kandukuri Veeresalingam Pantulu: Led the widow remarriage movement in the Telugu-speaking areas of Madras Presidency.
• Pandita Ramabai: Founded ‘Sharada Sadan’, a home for widows in Maharashtra.
• Ramakrishna Paramahamsa: Mystic and ascetic; taught religious universalism (“Yato Mat, Tato Path”).
• Swami Vivekananda: Founded the Ramakrishna Mission in 1897.
• Vivekananda’s key concepts: Practical Vedanta, Daridra Narayana (God in the poor), and Jiva is Shiva (service to man is worship of God).
• Represented Hinduism at the Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893.
• Called the “spiritual father of the modern Indian nationalist movement” by Subhas Chandra Bose.
• Arya Samaj: Founded in 1875 by Swami Dayananda Saraswati.
• Motto of Arya Samaj: “Back to the Vedas.”
• Shuddhi Movement: Started by the Arya Samaj for the reconversion of Hindus.
• In response to Shuddhi, Sikhs started the Singh Sabha movement and Muslims started the Tanzim and Tabligh movements.
• Dharma Sabha: Orthodox organization founded by Raja Radhakanta Deb to counter the Brahmo Samaj.
• Indigo Revolt Grievances: Forced advances (dadon), non-remunerative prices, and compulsory cultivation on the most fertile lands.

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Mains Insights

1. The Nature and Limitations of 19th-Century Social Reforms:

   • Cause-Effect: The colonial critique of Indian society acted as a catalyst for reform, but the reformers’ reliance on the same colonial state for legislation limited the reforms’ popular acceptance and led to accusations of collaboration.
   • Debate (Historiography): Were the reforms a genuine attempt at modernization and emancipation, or an elite-led project to create a “reformed patriarchy” that could withstand colonial scrutiny (as argued by scholars like Partha Chatterjee)? The focus on women’s issues affecting upper-caste families (Sati, widowhood) while largely ignoring caste discrimination points to the limited, sectional character of the movement.
   • Analysis: The “top-down” legislative approach failed to percolate to the grassroots level. This failure was compounded by the communication gap between the elite, English-educated reformers and the vernacular-speaking masses. The lack of women and lower-caste leadership was a structural flaw that prevented the creation of a broad social base.

2. Reform vs. Revivalism: A False Dichotomy?:

   • Analysis: The distinction between ‘reformism’ (pre-1857) and ‘revivalism’ (post-1857) should not be seen as a rigid binary. Early reformers like Rammohun Roy also ‘revived’ the Upanishads. Later revivalists like Dayananda were radical social reformers.
   • Continuity and Change: The key shift post-1857 was in tone and attitude. Revivalism was more culturally assertive, nationalistic, and less apologetic towards the West. It sought to build a self-confident national identity rooted in an idealized past as a defense against colonial cultural domination.
   • Consequences: While this instilled national pride, certain forms of revivalism (e.g., the later Arya Samaj’s Shuddhi movement) had the unintended consequence of hardening religious boundaries and contributing to communal consciousness, a trend that would have profound implications for the national movement.

3. Nationalism and Social Reform: A Contested Relationship:

   • Debate: The controversy over the Age of Consent Bill (1891) epitomizes the complex relationship between nationalism and social reform.
     • Tilak’s Position: The ‘political freedom first’ argument. He saw colonial social legislation as a “denationalizing” force that weakened Indian self-respect and agency. The question of who reforms was as important as what is reformed.
     • Reformers’ Position: Argued that social evils weakened the nation from within and that political freedom without social justice was meaningless.
   • Cause-Effect: This debate created a rift within the nationalist ranks. In the long run, the Indian National Congress consciously decided to de-prioritize social reform from its official platform to maintain unity, focusing solely on political agitation.

4. Socio-Economic Roots of Pre-1857 Uprisings:

   • Synthesis: The peasant and tribal uprisings were not isolated incidents of ‘law and order’ but were direct consequences of the colonial state’s systematic dismantling of the traditional agrarian economy.
   • Key Drivers: The interconnected chain of exploitation—high revenue demands by the state, loss of land to zamindars and moneylenders, and forced commercialization (like indigo)—created widespread rural distress.
   • Role of Religion: Religion acted as a powerful ideology of protest. It provided leadership, a common identity against the ‘alien’ ruler, and a moral justification for rebellion. Grievances were often framed as a defense of ‘Dharma’ against the ‘firangi’. This shows that economic and religious motivations were deeply intertwined.

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Previous Year Questions

Prelims

1. Who among the following was associated as Secretary with Hindu Female School which later came to be known as Bethune Female School? (UPSC 2021) (a) Annie Besant (b) Debendranath Tagore (c) Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar (d) Sarojini Naidu

   Answer: (c) Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. He was one of the pioneers of women’s education in Bengal and was closely associated with John Elliot Drinkwater Bethune in establishing the school in 1849. He served as its secretary.

2. The main reason for the split in the Indian National Congress at Surat in 1907 was (UPSC 2016 - Relevant for understanding Tilak’s broader philosophy) (a) Introduction of communalism into Indian politics by Lord Minto (b) Extremists’ lack of faith in the capacity of the moderates to negotiate with the British Government (c) Foundation of Muslim League (d) Aurobindo Ghosh’s inability to be elected as the President of the Indian National Congress

   Answer: (b) Extremists’ lack of faith in the capacity of the moderates to negotiate with the British Government. This choice reflects the deep ideological divide between Moderates who believed in gradual reform and constitutional methods, and Extremists like Tilak who advocated for more assertive and direct action, a philosophy visible in his stance on social reform as well.

3. Consider the following pairs: (UPSC 2017 - Modified for relevance)

   1. Dharma Sabha : Raja Radhakanta Deb
   2. Arya Samaj : Swami Vivekananda
   3. Ramakrishna Mission : Ramakrishna Paramahamsa

   Which of the pairs given above is/are correctly matched? (a) 1 only (b) 1 and 3 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3

   Answer: (a) 1 only. Dharma Sabha was founded by Raja Radhakanta Deb in 1830. Arya Samaj was founded by Swami Dayananda Saraswati. Ramakrishna Mission was founded by Swami Vivekananda in the name of his guru, Ramakrishna Paramahamsa.

4. With reference to the period of colonial rule in India, “Home Charges” formed an important part of the drain of wealth from India. Which of the following funds constituted “Home Charges”? (UPSC 2011 - Relevant for understanding colonial exploitation)

   1. Funds used to support the India Office in London.
   2. Funds used to pay salaries and pensions of British personnel engaged in India.
   3. Funds used for waging wars outside India by the British.

   Select the correct answer using the codes given below: (a) 1 only (b) 1 and 2 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3

   Answer: (d) 1, 2 and 3. All three were components of the Home Charges, which was a major form of economic exploitation and a grievance that fueled anti-colonial sentiment.

5. The ‘Shuddhi’ movement, involving the conversion of non-Hindus to Hinduism, was a significant programme of which of the following organisations? (a) Brahmo Samaj (b) Prarthana Samaj (c) Arya Samaj (d) Theosophical Society

   Answer: (c) Arya Samaj. The Shuddhi (purification) movement was initiated by the Arya Samaj to bring back those who had converted from Hinduism to other faiths like Islam and Christianity.

Mains

1. The women’s questions arose in modern India as a part of the 19th-century social reform movement. What were the major issues and debates concerning women in that period? (UPSC 2017)

   Answer: Introduction: The 19th-century social reform movement in India was deeply intertwined with the “women’s question,” which became a central benchmark for debating tradition, modernity, and national identity under colonial rule. Sparked by both internal introspection and external colonial critique, reformers sought to address practices they deemed oppressive, leading to significant debates.

   Major Issues and Debates:

   • Abolition of Sati: This was an early focus, championed by Raja Rammohun Roy. The debate was between Roy’s humanist interpretation of scriptures versus the orthodox view of the Dharma Sabha, which saw it as a sacred religious rite. The issue culminated in its legislative abolition in 1829.
   • Widow Remarriage: Led by Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, the debate revolved around the scriptural sanction for remarriage and the humanitarian crisis of child widows. The Hindu Widows’ Remarriage Act of 1856 was a legislative victory, but the social debate continued, with orthodox sections successfully stigmatizing the practice and even leading to its decline among lower castes through Sanskritization.
   • Child Marriage and Age of Consent: This issue brought the conflict between social reform and anti-colonial nationalism to the forefront.
     • Issue: The practice was defended on religious grounds (Gharbhadhana ceremony). Reformers cited medical and humanitarian reasons against it.
     • Debate: The Age of Consent Act, 1891, sparked a major controversy. Reformers like R.G. Bhandarkar supported it, while nationalists like B.G. Tilak opposed it, not on its merits, but on the principle that a foreign government should not legislate on Indian social customs.
   • Women’s Education: Reformers like Vidyasagar, Phule, and Pandita Ramabai saw education as the key to women’s emancipation. The debate was over the type of education: should it be to make women better wives and mothers within the traditional framework, or to empower them as individuals for public roles?
   • Purdah System and Polytheism: Reformers, particularly from the Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj, attacked these practices as symbols of women’s seclusion and degradation, advocating for greater freedom of movement and monogamy.

   Conclusion: The debates concerning women in the 19th century were complex, operating at the intersection of religion, colonial power, and nascent nationalism. While the reforms were led by male elites and had limited immediate success, they succeeded in placing women’s rights on the national agenda and laid the foundational discourse for future feminist movements in India.

2. Examine the main contributions of Swami Vivekananda to modern India. How did he seek to build national self-confidence?

   Answer: Introduction: Swami Vivekananda emerged in the late 19th century as a powerful spiritual leader and cultural nationalist who played a pivotal role in shaping modern Indian thought. His contributions extended beyond religious reform to instilling a profound sense of self-respect and national pride at a time of colonial subjugation.

   Main Contributions:

   • Reinterpreting Hinduism: Vivekananda presented a modern, rational, and universal interpretation of Vedanta. He moved it from a complex, esoteric philosophy to a practical guide for life (Practical Vedanta), emphasizing strength, fearlessness, and service.
   • Infusing Spirituality into Social Service: He founded the Ramakrishna Mission (1897) with the motto of service to humanity as service to God (Daridra Narayana). This linked spirituality with tangible social work in fields like education, healthcare, and disaster relief, creating a new model of monasticism.
   • Bridging East and West: At the 1893 Chicago Parliament of Religions, he presented Hinduism as a world religion, arguing for a synthesis of Western materialism and scientific progress with Eastern spirituality for global harmony. This elevated India’s cultural stature internationally.
   • Youth Empowerment: He urged the youth to develop “muscles of iron and nerves of steel,” challenging the colonial stereotype of the “effeminate Hindu.” He called for physical and mental strength as prerequisites for spiritual and national awakening.

   Building National Self-Confidence:

   • Cultural Defence: He provided a robust intellectual and spiritual defence of Indian civilization against the attacks of Christian missionaries and colonial ideologues, asserting the superiority of Indian spiritual thought.
   • Glorifying the Past, Inspiring the Future: By invoking the spiritual wisdom of the Vedas and Upanishads, he reminded Indians of their glorious heritage, urging them not to imitate the West blindly but to build a future based on their own unique strengths.
   • Message of Fearlessness and Self-Belief: His core message was one of self-belief, drawn from the Vedantic idea of the divine potential within every individual. This spiritual self-confidence translated into a call for national self-confidence and a rejection of the colonial ‘inferiority complex’.

   Conclusion: Swami Vivekananda’s greatest contribution was the psychological and spiritual revival of a nation suffering under colonial rule. By providing a modern and confident articulation of Indian identity, he, as Subhas Chandra Bose noted, became the “spiritual father of the modern Indian nationalist movement,” preparing the ground for the political struggles of the 20th century.

3. The 19th-century Indian renaissance was both a product of and a reaction to colonial rule. Elucidate.

   Answer: Introduction: The 19th-century socio-cultural awakening in India, often termed the “Indian Renaissance,” was a complex phenomenon with a dual character. It was profoundly shaped by the intellectual and administrative presence of the British, making it a product of colonial rule, while simultaneously being a reaction against the cultural and racial arrogance that accompanied that rule.

   As a Product of Colonial Rule:

   • Introduction of Western Ideas: The introduction of Western education, ideas of rationalism, humanism, liberty, and justice through the English language created a new class of Indian intellectuals who began to critically examine their own society.
   • Role of Colonial Institutions: The printing press facilitated the wide dissemination of reformist ideas. A modern judiciary and administrative framework, however flawed, provided a new arena (courts, legislative councils) for debating social issues.
   • The “Civilizing Mission” as a Catalyst: The constant British critique of Indian society as “barbaric” and “degenerate,” especially regarding the status of women and caste, acted as a direct catalyst, forcing Indian intellectuals to respond and initiate reforms.

   As a Reaction to Colonial Rule:

   • Cultural Defence: The reform movements were a form of cultural defence. By reforming practices like Sati and child marriage, reformers sought to prove that Indian civilization was not inferior and was capable of modernizing itself from within, thereby challenging the moral justification for the “civilizing mission.”
   • Revivalism and National Pride: Movements like the Arya Samaj (“Back to the Vedas”) and the teachings of Swami Vivekananda were direct reactions to Western cultural hegemony. They sought to establish the superiority of an idealized Indian past and spiritualism over Western materialism, fostering a sense of national pride and self-worth.
   • Contesting Colonial Interference: The opposition to the Age of Consent Bill by nationalists like Tilak exemplifies the reaction. The argument was that social reform, however necessary, must be an autonomous, national project, not an imposition by a foreign, oppressive power.

   Conclusion: The 19th-century Indian renaissance was a dialectical process. It selectively borrowed modern ideas from the West, which were made available through the colonial encounter, but it used them to reform and defend Indian society against the ideological onslaught of colonialism. It was thus simultaneously a journey towards modernity and a quest for an authentic, self-confident national identity, making it both a product of and a reaction to British rule.

4. How did the land revenue policies of the British in pre-1857 India lead to widespread peasant grievances?

   Answer: Introduction: The land revenue policies implemented by the East India Company in the first century of its rule were designed primarily for maximizing revenue extraction. These policies systematically disrupted the traditional agrarian structure, leading to the impoverishment of the peasantry and creating widespread grievances that fueled numerous uprisings culminating in the 1857 Revolt.

   Grievances Arising from Different Systems:

   • Permanent Settlement (1793):
     • Zamindar Oppression: It made the zamindar the absolute owner of the land and fixed a high, inflexible revenue demand. To meet this, zamindars extracted exorbitant rents from peasants, who were reduced to the status of tenants-at-will with no security of tenure.
     • Lack of Recourse: The colonial judicial system heavily favored the landlord, leaving the peasant with no protection against eviction or illegal cesses (abwabs).
   • Ryotwari and Mahalwari Systems:
     • Excessive State Demand: The state acted as the supreme landlord and fixed the revenue demand at very high levels, often 50-60% of the produce. Unlike in pre-British times, this demand was fixed in cash and collected inflexibly, regardless of crop failure due to drought or flood.
     • Indebtedness and Land Alienation: To pay the rigid revenue, peasants were forced to borrow from moneylenders at usurious rates. This led to a cycle of debt, mortgage, and eventual transfer of land from the cultivating peasant to the non-cultivating moneylender, a new phenomenon that caused immense distress.
   • Forced Commercialization and Indigo Cultivation:
     • Exploitative Contracts: European planters used coercion to force peasants into cultivating commercial crops like indigo, often on their most fertile lands, at non-remunerative prices.
     • Cycle of Debt: The system of forced advances (dadon) ensured that the peasant was perpetually indebted to the planter, effectively becoming a bonded labourer.

   Conclusion: The British land revenue policies systematically destroyed the traditional safety nets of the agrarian economy. By introducing private property in land, fixing high revenue demands, enforcing rigid collection, and enabling the rise of absentee landlords and moneylenders, they created a deeply exploitative system. These policies were the primary cause of peasant de-peasantization, indebtedness, and famine, leading to widespread grievances that made the Indian countryside a tinderbox of rebellion.

5. Critically examine the role of the Arya Samaj in the social and religious reform landscape of 19th-century India.

   Answer: Introduction: Founded by Swami Dayananda Saraswati in 1875, the Arya Samaj was a powerful and radical force in the socio-religious landscape of 19th-century India. Its role was deeply impactful but also complex and controversial, contributing to both progressive social reform and, in its later phase, the sharpening of communal identities.

   Positive Contributions (Progressive Role):

   • Radical Social Reform: The Arya Samaj launched a frontal attack on deep-seated social evils. It vehemently condemned the caste system based on birth, untouchability, child marriage, and idolatry. It was a staunch advocate for women’s rights, promoting widow remarriage and female education through its network of DAV institutions.
   • Instilling Self-Confidence: Its motto, “Back to the Vedas,” and the claim that the Vedas contained all modern knowledge, was a powerful ideological response to Western cultural arrogance. It gave educated Hindus a sense of pride in their heritage and an intellectual framework to counter missionary critiques.
   • Promotion of Education: The establishment of Dayanand Anglo-Vedic (DAV) schools and colleges across North India played a crucial role in spreading modern education combined with Vedic values.

   Negative Aspects and Criticisms (Controversial Role):

   • Dogmatism and Intolerance: Its claim of the infallibility of the Vedas was dogmatic and led to an intolerant attitude towards other streams of Hindu thought (like Puranic Hinduism) and other religions, particularly Islam and Christianity.
   • Contribution to Communalism:
     • The Shuddhi movement (re-conversion) was perceived as aggressive proselytizing by other communities, leading to competitive mobilization by Muslim (Tabligh, Tanzim) and Sikh (Singh Sabha) organizations.
     • Its militant cow protection movement became a major source of Hindu-Muslim friction, directly leading to communal riots in the 1890s.
   • Limited Social Base: Its radical and often aggressive reform agenda alienated both orthodox Hindus and moderate reformers. Its influence remained largely confined to urban, educated sections in Punjab and the United Provinces.

   Conclusion: The Arya Samaj’s role was dualistic. It was undeniably a dynamic force for social reform, challenging patriarchal and caste-based structures more radically than many other movements. However, its revivalist zeal, aggressive posture towards other faiths, and scriptural dogmatism also contributed to the hardening of communal lines. While it played a vital role in the national awakening, it simultaneously sowed seeds of religious conflict that would have lasting consequences.