The Emergence of the Indian National Movement (INM) until the formation of INC
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Evolution of the Indian National Movement (INM):
- The INM was not a sudden event but an evolutionary process, emerging primarily as a consequence of the multifaceted impact of British colonial rule. As historian Bipan Chandra argues in India’s Struggle for Independence (1988), Indian nationalism grew as a result of the “contradictions” of colonialism. The very forces of modernization and unification introduced by the British for their own imperial interests—such as a unified administration, modern education, and new means of transport and communication—inadvertently fostered a sense of national unity and consciousness among Indians.
- The movement progressed through distinct phases. Initially, it was characterized by regional political associations led by a conservative, landed elite. This gradually transitioned to leadership by the Western-educated middle class, which adopted a more moderate, constitutional approach. The perceived failures of this approach later gave rise to extremist and revolutionary phases. This trajectory illustrates a deepening and widening of the nationalist sentiment over time.
- Organized nationalism, as a structured political phenomenon, began to crystallize in the latter half of the 19th century. This was distinct from the numerous peasant and tribal uprisings of the preceding decades (e.g., the Sanyasi Rebellion of the 1770s or the Kol Uprising of 1831), which were largely localized, spontaneous, and rooted in specific economic grievances, lacking a pan-Indian vision or modern political ideology. The new nationalism was articulated by an educated elite who could formulate a critique of colonialism in modern political language.
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Early Political Organisations and Leadership:
- The initial foray into modern organized politics was made by the landed aristocracy, particularly the zamindars of Bengal. As beneficiaries of the Permanent Settlement (1793), this class was economically powerful and had early access to Western education.
- British Indian Association (BIA), 1851: Formed in Calcutta by merging the Landholders’ Society and the Bengal British India Society, it is considered the first major political organization with a pan-Indian outlook. Its prominent members included Radhakanta Deb (President) and Debendranath Tagore (Secretary).
- Though its core membership and primary interests were tied to the zamindars of Bengal, its petitions and memoranda consciously addressed issues of “all-India” concern.
- It marked a departure from its predecessor, the Landholder’s Society (1838), founded by Dwarkanath Tagore, which was more explicitly a class-based organization and included many non-official British members who had commercial interests in India.
- Similar associations emerged in other presidencies, such as the Bombay Association (1852) founded by Jagannath Shunkerseth and the Madras Native Association (1852) founded by Gazulu Lakshminarasu Chetty.
- Objectives and Demands: The primary objective of these early associations was to influence the British Parliament, particularly during the revision of the East India Company’s charter. Their main demands, articulated in petitions ahead of the Charter Act of 1853, included:
- Separation of executive and judicial functions.
- Abolition of the salt duty and the Company’s opium monopoly.
- Inclusion of Indians in the Legislative Council.
- Reduction of administrative costs and high taxation.
- Increased state support for education and public works.
- Limitations and Outcome: These organizations did not seek to overthrow British rule but aimed to reform it, highlighting how its policies were detrimental to Indian interests. Their major weakness was a lack of coordinated effort; the three presidency associations sent separate petitions to London, diminishing their collective impact. The British government largely ignored their demands, assuming the loyalty of this “beneficiary” class. However, after the Revolt of 1857, the British Crown, in a strategic shift, sought to secure the loyalty of this very class (landed gentry and princes) by nominating them to the newly formed legislative councils under the Indian Councils Act of 1861.
General Factors behind the Rise of INM
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The Spread of Western Education:
- Post-1857, universities were established in Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras (1857), based on the recommendations of Sir Charles Wood’s Despatch of 1854. This accelerated the growth of a Western-educated Indian intelligentsia.
- While the British objective, famously articulated in Thomas Macaulay’s Minute on Education (1835), was to create a class of “Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect,” this class used its knowledge of Western political thought (ideas of liberty, equality, nationalism from thinkers like Rousseau, Mill, and Mazzini) to critique the undemocratic and exploitative nature of British rule.
- The growth of education was highly uneven. The colonial “downward filtration theory” and the cost of education meant that it was largely accessible to upper-caste, middle-class men in the Presidency towns of Bengal, Bombay, and Madras. This regional and social imbalance led to the uneven development of political consciousness, with these areas and communities initially dominating the nationalist movement.
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The Role of the Press:
- The press became the primary tool for the educated middle class to disseminate nationalist ideas, critique government policies, and foster inter-regional solidarity. By 1875, there were approximately 400 Indian-owned newspapers (both in English and vernacular languages) with a significant readership.
- Prominent nationalist newspapers like The Hindu, Amrita Bazar Patrika, The Bengalee, Kesari (by Tilak), and Mahratta played a crucial role in shaping public opinion and conducting political education on a mass scale. They served as a de facto opposition to the government.
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Impact of Colonial Institutions and Infrastructure:
- Legislative Councils: Though established with extremely limited powers under the Indian Councils Act of 1861, these councils provided a platform for early nationalists to engage in political debate, question government policies, and demand greater representation. The demand for council reforms became a central plank of the moderate political platform.
- Railways and Telegraph: Introduced primarily for military and administrative control and economic exploitation, these modern communication and transport networks had the unintended effect of breaking down regional barriers. They facilitated easier travel and communication for nationalist leaders, enabling them to organize national conferences and campaigns, thus fostering a pan-Indian identity.
Negatives of British Rule as a Catalyst for INM
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Pervasive Racial Arrogance:
- The post-1857 period saw a significant increase in racial antagonism. The British began to see themselves as a superior, ruling race, and Indians as inherently inferior. This was reflected in policy and everyday social interaction.
- The Lex Loci Act of 1850 (Religious Disabilities Act), which protected the civil rights of religious converts (primarily benefiting Christian converts in inheriting ancestral property), was viewed by orthodox Hindus as a direct assault on their socio-religious customs.
- The controversy over the so-called “Black Acts” (1849-50), which sought to place British subjects under the jurisdiction of Indian judges, was a precursor to the Ilbert Bill. The fierce opposition from the European community forced the government to withdraw the measure, highlighting the deep-seated racial prejudice within the administration.
- This pervasive racism prompted a defensive reaction in the form of cultural nationalism, with movements like the Arya Samaj seeking to assert the superiority of Indian (Vedic) civilization.
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Economic Exploitation and “Taxation without Representation”:
- The core grievance was the economic drain of wealth, a concept later articulated by Dadabhai Naoroji. A key manifestation was the imposition of taxes without the consent of the governed.
- The Income Tax, first introduced in 1860 to meet the costs of the 1857 revolt and later reintroduced, was heavily criticized in the press as it was imposed during a period of recurrent famines.
- Nationalists pointed to the disproportionately high expenditure on the army and “Home Charges” (expenses in Britain charged to Indian revenues) while vital sectors like education and public health were neglected. The government’s decision in 1870 to reduce funding for higher education in Bengal, on the grounds that it was producing seditious individuals, further alienated the educated class.
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The Reactionary Regime of Lord Lytton (1876–80): Lytton’s viceroyalty is often seen as a period that galvanized nationalist opposition through a series of unpopular measures:
- Civil Services: In 1876, the maximum age for the Indian Civil Service examination was reduced from 21 to 19, making it extremely difficult for Indians to compete. This was seen as a deliberate attempt to exclude Indians from higher administration.
- Statutory Civil Service (1878): While ostensibly designed to increase Indian representation, this system allowed for the nomination of Indians from aristocratic families to about one-sixth of the covenanted posts. It was widely criticized as a means to appoint “loyal” and less competent individuals, bypassing the principle of open competition.
- Imperial Durbar (1877): Lytton organized a lavish Durbar in Delhi to proclaim Queen Victoria as “Kaisar-i-Hind” (Empress of India). This extravagant display of imperial power occurred while large parts of southern India were in the grip of a devastating famine (1876-78), leading to widespread condemnation.
- Vernacular Press Act (1878): Dubbed the “Gagging Act,” it was designed to curb the “seditious” writings of the vernacular press. It required printers to submit bonds and subjected them to magisterial action without judicial appeal. The Act did not apply to the English-language press, making its discriminatory nature clear. The Amrita Bazar Patrika famously converted itself into an English-language newspaper overnight to evade the Act.
- Arms Act (1878): This act made it a criminal offense for Indians to carry arms without a license, while exempting Europeans and Eurasians. It was another blatant instance of racial discrimination and was fiercely opposed by nationalist leaders like B.C. Pal.
- Second Afghan War (1878-80): Lytton’s forward policy in Afghanistan, driven by Russophobia, led to a costly and avoidable war, the financial burden of which fell entirely on Indian taxpayers.
The Liberal Interlude of Lord Ripon (1880–84) and its Consequences
Ripon’s tenure was marked by a series of liberal reforms, but the reaction to them proved to be a powerful catalyst for nationalism.
- Reforms: Ripon repealed the controversial Vernacular Press Act (1882), raised the civil services age limit back to 21, and amended the Arms Act to be less discriminatory.
- Resolution on Local Self-Government (1882): Often hailed as the “Magna Carta” of local self-government in India, this resolution aimed to establish a network of local bodies (municipalities and district boards) with a majority of elected non-official members. Its stated purpose, as Ripon himself articulated, was not primarily administrative efficiency but “political education”—training Indians in the art of self-governance.
- Hunter Education Commission (1882): Appointed to review the state of education since the 1854 Wood’s Despatch, it recommended a greater role for local bodies in managing primary education and the diversification of secondary education into academic and vocational streams.
- The Ilbert Bill Controversy (1883-84):
- This was the defining event of Ripon’s viceroyalty. The bill, drafted by Law Member C.P. Ilbert, proposed to remove a judicial disqualification based on race by allowing senior Indian magistrates and sessions judges to preside over cases involving Europeans in mofussil (rural) areas.
- The bill triggered a furious and highly organized opposition from the Anglo-Indian community (British officials, planters, and businessmen), who considered it an attack on their racial prestige. They formed a Defence Association, raised funds, and used the press for a vitriolic campaign, an episode often termed the “White Mutiny.”
- Under immense pressure, the government was forced to amend the bill, introducing a compromise that allowed a European accused to claim trial by a jury, at least half of which would be European.
- Impact: The controversy was a moment of profound disillusionment for educated Indians. It starkly revealed the depth of British racism and demonstrated that even with a liberal Viceroy, justice and equality were unattainable. More importantly, as historian Sumit Sarkar notes in Modern India: 1885-1947 (1983), it taught Indians a valuable lesson in organized political agitation, providing a direct impetus for the creation of a national-level political body.
Rise of New Middle-Class Regional Organisations
The 1870s and 1880s witnessed the emergence of new political associations led by the professional, educated middle class, which replaced the older, zamindar-dominated organizations.
- Poona Sarvajanik Sabha (1870): Founded by M.G. Ranade, G.V. Joshi, and others, it became a prominent organization in the Bombay Presidency, representing the aspirations of the middle class.
- Indian Association (1876): Founded in Calcutta by Surendranath Banerjea and Anandamohan Bose, it was arguably the most important pre-Congress nationalist organization. It had a broader base than the BIA and conducted major all-India campaigns on issues like the reduction of the civil services age and the Arms Act.
- Madras Mahajan Sabha (1884): Established by leaders like M. Veeraraghavachariar, S. Ramaswami Mudaliar, and P. Anandacharlu, it became the leading political body in the Madras Presidency.
- Lahore Indian Association (1878): Emerged as a prominent voice in Punjab, associated with leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai and Ajit Singh. These organizations laid the groundwork for the establishment of an all-India political body by fostering a culture of political work, building regional networks, and raising common national grievances.
Prelims Pointers
- British Indian Association (BIA): Founded in 1851 in Calcutta; leaders included Radhakanta Deb and Debendranath Tagore.
- Landholder’s Society: Founded in 1838 by Dwarkanath Tagore.
- Bombay Association: Founded in 1852 by Jagannath Shunkerseth.
- Madras Native Association: Founded in 1852 by Gazulu Lakshminarasu Chetty.
- Indian Councils Act, 1861: Introduced the principle of associating Indians with the law-making process through nomination.
- Lord Lytton’s Viceroyalty: 1876-1880.
- Reduction of ICS age limit to 19 years (1876).
- Grand Delhi Durbar proclaiming Queen Victoria as ‘Kaisar-i-Hind’ (1877).
- Vernacular Press Act passed in 1878.
- Arms Act passed in 1878.
- Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878-80).
- Lord Ripon’s Viceroyalty: 1880-1884.
- Repeal of the Vernacular Press Act in 1882.
- Resolution on Local Self-Government in 1882.
- Appointment of the Hunter Education Commission (1882).
- The Ilbert Bill Controversy took place in 1883-84.
- Poona Sarvajanik Sabha: Founded in 1870 by M.G. Ranade, G.V. Joshi, etc.
- Indian Association: Founded in 1876 by Surendranath Banerjea and Anandamohan Bose.
- Madras Mahajan Sabha: Founded in 1884 by M. Veeraraghavachariar, S. Ramaswami Mudaliar, and P. Anandacharlu.
- Lex Loci Act: Passed in 1850 to protect the property rights of religious converts.
Mains Insights
Historiographical Perspectives on the Rise of Nationalism
- Nationalist School (e.g., R.C. Majumdar, Bipan Chandra): This school views Indian nationalism as a patriotic response to the exploitation and oppression of colonial rule. They argue that British policies created the material and intellectual conditions for nationalism, but the driving force was the collective will of the Indian people to free themselves from foreign domination. The INM is seen as a genuine people’s movement against colonialism.
- Cambridge School (e.g., Anil Seal, Gordon Johnson): This perspective challenges the idea of a unified “Indian nationalism.” In The Emergence of Indian Nationalism (1968), Anil Seal argued that the INM was not a struggle between India and Britain, but rather a series of conflicts and collaborations among Indian elites for British favour and power. Nationalism was a tool used by these competing local and regional elites (e.g., the English-educated ‘bhadralok’ of Bengal vs. elites from Bombay) to mobilize support and advance their own interests.
- Marxist School (e.g., R. Palme Dutt): This school interprets the rise of nationalism through the lens of class conflict. They argue that British colonialism was a stage of imperialism that led to the rise of an Indian bourgeoisie. The INM, in its early phase, was led by this bourgeois class, whose interests often clashed with those of the peasant and working masses. They see the movement as primarily serving the interests of the Indian elite classes against the British imperialist class.
Cause-Effect Analysis: Lytton, Ripon, and the Road to the INC
- Lytton’s Reactionary Policies as a Catalyst: The overtly racist and oppressive policies of Lord Lytton (VPA, Arms Act, ICS age reduction) acted as a powerful stimulus for political mobilization. These measures unified disparate groups of educated Indians across regions against a common set of grievances, transforming localized discontent into a more coordinated, all-India protest.
- Ripon’s Reforms and Unintended Consequences: Lord Ripon’s liberal reforms, particularly the Ilbert Bill, were intended to assuage Indian feelings. However, the vicious backlash from the Anglo-Indian community (the ‘White Mutiny’) had the opposite effect. It served as an “eye-opener” for Indian nationalists, proving that the British administration was fundamentally resistant to the idea of racial equality.
- The Ilbert Bill as the Final Impetus: The failure of the original Ilbert Bill demonstrated the power of organized agitation (as practiced by the Europeans) and the weakness of a disunited Indian political front. It made clear to leaders like Surendranath Banerjea that regional associations were insufficient. A strong, permanent, all-India organization was needed to effectively lobby for Indian interests, leading directly to the efforts that culminated in the formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885.
The Paradox of Colonial Modernity
- The rise of Indian nationalism presents a classic paradox: the very instruments of colonial control became the tools of national liberation.
- Education: Western education, meant to create loyal clerks, produced nationalist leaders who used Western political ideals to challenge colonialism.
- Press: The printing press, introduced by Europeans, became the mouthpiece of anti-colonial critique.
- Railways: Built for troop movement and raw material extraction, railways physically united India and allowed nationalist leaders to build a pan-Indian movement.
- Unified Law & Administration: A single administrative and legal framework, imposed for colonial efficiency, created a shared experience of subordination and fostered a unified political identity among diverse peoples. This highlights the complex and often contradictory nature of the colonial impact.